An interactive mindmap of the ideas, events, people, and forces that created fascism. Click any node to expand. Mark what you've learned. Test yourself along the way.
The 19th century was new, scary, fast-moving, chaotic. Electrification, engines, telegraph, telephone, cars, cinema, radio — a second industrial revolution. There was atomisation, a fear of decadence, of materialism over godliness.
You're a woodworker in a village. Life's pretty good. Suddenly, factories are producing furniture on production lines, delivered by trains. If your tool is obsolete — are you?
Bismarck ruled Germany's Second Reich (1871–1890). He was competent, authoritative, forward-looking but conservative. He united Germany, hated parliaments, and was a revolutionary conservative — using the past to strongarm the future.
His great gift was for the highest diplomacy and moderation. He understood uniquely how to win the world's trust — the exact opposite of today.— Ulrich von Hassell, diary entry, 1944 (cited in Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich)
Romanticism contrasted the abstract (science, reason, data) with the rooted (bodies, emotion, community, tradition). In Germany it went deeper and lasted longer than anywhere, inspiring the Völkisch movement.
How could you divorce from the very being of nature a Volk which for half a thousand years has worked, lived, and suffered on the same soil.— Friedrich Ratzel, 1896 (cited in Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology)
Darwin's Origin of Species (1859) + Koch's bacteria discovery (1876) = an obsession with purity, hygiene, struggle. Scientific language about race and blood penetrated politics.
One general law: multiply, vary, let the strongest live and the weakest die.— Charles Darwin, On the Origin of Species, 1859
Antisemitism was Europe-wide — probably worst in France. The "new" antisemitism was based on race and pseudo-science, not religion. In a system defining belonging by soil and blood, the rootless became the perfect scapegoat.
The other is a blank canvas on which all of your fears can be painted.
Georges Sorel was a French syndicalist who hated intellectuals, parliaments, and liberals. He asked: why aren't revolutions happening? His answer: the proletariat needed a great motivating myth — the general strike.
Myths incite action — "When we act, that means we have created an entirely artificial world placed in front of the present."— Georges Sorel, Reflections on Violence, 1908
The Futurists, led by Marinetti, declared a racing car "more beautiful than the Victory of Samothrace." They glorified speed, technology, violence. Add Nietzsche's will to power and the Übermensch forging his own moral path.
We will glorify war — the world's only hygiene — militarism, patriotism, the destructive gesture of freedom bringers, beautiful ideas worth dying for.— Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, The Futurist Manifesto, 1909
The most violent event in human history. Poison gas, flamethrowers, tanks, aerial bombing. The war created a "violent generation" — a sacrificial generation who found meaning in horror.
The virtually static trench fronts tied down millions, creating a new collective consciousness of a separate society, a warrior group partially isolated from the rest of the nation.— Stanley Payne, A History of Fascism, 1914–1945
The blood of the Great War cannot have flowed for nothing.— Ernst Jünger, Storm of Steel, 1920
The Italian Arditi ("the daring ones") were elite shock troops trained in dagger combat. They brought wartime camaraderie home — becoming the kernel of the fascist Squadristi.
We would like to thank the army and apologise for the fact that we did not all die as was our hope and our duty.— Ferruccio Vecchi, Arditi veteran (cited in Foot, Blood and Power)
Veterans came home to find liberal and socialist revolutionaries attacking them. They organised. In Germany: Steel Helmets (1 million members), Free Corps (500,000), and eventually the SA Brownshirts (4 million — larger than the army).
The red rabble, which had never heard a bullet whistle, had assaulted him and torn off all his medals. We screamed with rage. For this kind of Germany we had sacrificed our blood?— A German veteran (cited in Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich)
In 1918–19, Europe looked like it could go communist. Bavarian Soviet Republic. Hungarian Soviet Republic. Italy's Biennio Rosso ("two red years") — thousands of strikes, factory occupations, street battles.
Wages collected in wheelbarrows. Food prices rose while you ate. Gangs roamed the countryside stealing crops. Then, with hyperinflation still fresh, the Great Depression hit: 1 in 3 Germans unemployed.
In the shops, prices are typewritten and posted hourly. A gramophone at 10 a.m. was 5,000,000 marks but at 3 p.m. it was 12,000,000 marks.— The Daily Mail, 1923 (cited in Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich)
The Weimar Republic was despised by everyone: communists on the left, monarchists and nationalists on the right. The Army, Police, and Judiciary prosecuted the left and ignored the right.
Weimar was weak in political legitimacy from the start.— Richard Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich
The key: national identity. He grew sceptical of the proletariat and saw nationalism as a more powerful mobilising force than class solidarity. "It is faith which moves mountains because it gives the illusion that the mountains move."
The nation has not disappeared. Class can become part of the nation, but the one cannot eclipse the other.— Benito Mussolini, 1914 (cited in Sternhell, The Birth of Fascist Ideology)
Groups of 30–50 militarily trained men roaming the countryside, looking for fights. By 1921, fascists controlled the streets in much of northern Italy. The March on Rome (Oct 1922): the army could have stopped it. The King stood down.
Town after town, destruction, threat and terror... They ransack buildings, break furniture, take everything. At night, wearing masks, they shoot at random.— A socialist eyewitness (cited in Foot, Blood and Power)
Jan 1933: Hindenburg appoints Hitler, hoping to control him. Feb: the Reichstag burns — 10,000 arrested. Mar: the Enabling Act passes — Hitler rules by decree. Democracy is dead.
The road to the total state. Our revolution has an uncanny dynamism.— Joseph Goebbels, March 1933 (cited in Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich)
Fascism comes from a fear of chaos. It promises order, glory, belonging, a leader, a clear enemy. But it requires active, heroic violence to secure that utopia. Democracy is more abnormal than domination. Empires are more common than republics. Are our days numbered?