The failures, the ghosts, and the haunting question: is fascism eternal — or was it of its moment? What dies, and what lingers?
We do not discuss God and virtue; we do not discuss Homeland and its History; we do not discuss authority and its prestige; we do not discuss family and its morals; we do not discuss the glory of work and its duty.— Salazar (cited in Fernandes, The Carnation Revolution)
The key difference between fascists and authoritarians: fascists are dynamic. They are driven by an engine of rebirth, populist energy, expansion — they seek to change people, boundaries, the earth. They are conservative revolutionaries underpinned by the spiritualisation of violence.
The popular use of "fascist" today means more than just antidemocrat. It involves a mission to dynamically reshape souls — not just voluntarily, but under the threat of cudgel and jackboot.
Corporatism — 22 sector councils of employers, workers, and officials — never really worked. Workers had no real power. Agriculture was skewed towards grain at the expense of crops Italy was better suited for.
The pursuit of his political instincts produced generally poorer outcomes compared to other economies in relation to unemployment, productivity growth, income equality, poverty. This was not bad luck, but a consequence of policy choices.— Peter Williamson, Duce: Contradictions of Power
The economy was already recovering in 1932 — before the Nazis took power. The autobahn was a pre-existing scheme; the Nazis increased funding from 500m to 600m Reichsmarks and took the propaganda credit.
The impression that the Nazis were extremely lucky in coming to power when the economy was already starting to recover is strengthened when it is realized that some of their much-trumpeted measures did little more than restore the status quo of the pre-Depression years.— Richard Evans, The Third Reich in Power
The Nazi economy was not a normal economy — it was a violence-based economy, a theft-economy, and a corrupt one. No financial oversight. Jobs and contracts to loyalists. Hitler, Goebbels, Göring became multimillionaires.
As an experienced businessman, I can no longer stand idly by and countenance the way many Aryan businessmen are shamelessly attempting to grab up Jewish shops and factories for a ludicrous price. These people are like vultures.— A German businessman, 1938 (cited in Evans, The Third Reich in Power)
The Nazis' headlong rush to war contained the seeds of the Third Reich's eventual destruction.— Richard Evans, The Third Reich in Power
The Führer and the Duce could claim legitimacy neither by election nor conquest. It rested on charisma, a mysterious direct communication with the Volk that needs no mediation by priests or party chieftains.— Robert Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism
Hitler designed banners, helped design rally sets, worked with filmmakers, sketched buildings, suggested roofs for motorways to protect tanks. He was a Napoleonic figure — but Napoleon could know everything about France. Today, no one can.
Historians call it "polyocracy" — rule by multiple competing power centres, all second-guessing the Führer's will. A Hobbesian war of all against all, dressed up as unity.
Göring, for all his undoubted energy, possessed no overview of the economy. He had very little understanding of economics or finance. He did not set clear priorities, nor could he, since Hitler kept changing his mind.— Richard Evans, The Third Reich in Power
Despite this, Göring led the Hermann Göring Ironworks. Loyalty was promoted over expertise.
Personalist rulers can be the most destructive kinds of authoritarians because they do not distinguish between their individual agendas and those of the nation. Their private obsessions set the tone for public discourse, skew institutional priorities, and force large-scale resource reallocations.— Ruth Ben-Ghiat, Strongmen
We permit ourselves the luxury of being aristocratic and democratic, conservative and progressive, reactionary and revolutionary, accepting the law and going beyond it.— Benito Mussolini (cited in Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism)
Fascism was an attempt at a great synthesis of everything — through the iron will of one person. Early victories couldn't make up for later hubris. Hitler dismissed economists, generals, scientists. Mussolini's invasion of Ethiopia bankrupted Italy.
Fascist regimes could not settle down into a comfortable enjoyment of power. The charismatic leader had made dramatic promises: to unify, purify, and energize his community.— Robert Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism
Modern genetics: variation within "races" is greater than variation between them. All humans share 99.9% of DNA. The idea of a pure Aryan archetype is scientifically absurd.
German racialists believed heredity determined character, the state should manage the population, and people could be categorised as "valuable" or "worthless" — minderwertig.— Richard Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich
Before WWII, violence was more limited — soldiers choosing to fight small wars with less powerful weapons. A "chivalrous" attitude was possible. The nuclear bomb and the Holocaust changed the stakes permanently.
A crucial irony: mid-century ultranationalism came from the weakness of nationalism. Italy had just unified, only 2.5% spoke Italian, borders were porous. Today, nation-states with fixed borders are more entrenched than ever.
Ultranationalism is a reaction to something from the outside — either defence against another nationalist incursion or a response to universalist aims.— Liah Greenfeld, Five Roads to Modernity
Derrida and Mark Fisher's concept: ghosts of the past — lingering ideas, philosophies — that haven't been laid to rest. We're haunted by dreams of the right as much as by spectres of Marx.
Hauntology highlights the political failings of the present by returning to those moments when a different path might have been taken, turning points whose promise remains unfulfilled.— Merlin Coverley, Hauntology
A brother — a rather unpleasant and mortifying brother. He makes me nervous, the relationship is painful to a degree. But I will not disclaim it.— Thomas Mann, "That Man Is My Brother," Esquire, 1939
Here is a man possessed of a bottomless resentment and a festering desire for revenge; a man ten times a failure, extremely lazy, incapable of steady work; a total good-for-nothing. And here is a people obsessed with feelings of defeat and inferiority.— Thomas Mann, "That Man Is My Brother"
Mann's point: resentment, revenge, honour, greatness, unlimited power — timeless qualities. And worse: there is something of an artist in Hitler too. The laziness, the vague intuition of being reserved for something greater.
George Mosse pointed to idées-forces: ideas that aren't intellectual — they come from something somatic, bodily. Hunger can be an idea. The thrill of violence. The clarity of order. Jealousy. Nostalgia. Glory.
How can you rationalise the pre-rational? How can you say those things will ever not be with us?
René Girard argued humans are driven by spirals of jealousy, rivalry, and scapegoating. The cult of personality may be an evolutionary inheritance we can't escape.
History moves. Nothing stays exactly the same. It rhymes rather than repeats. Even if you believe in some kind of stable human nature, some things inevitably change — technology, culture, philosophy, science.
Fascism is, in the last analysis, destabilizing. Fascist regimes could not settle down into a comfortable enjoyment of power.— Robert Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism