CHAPTER 03

Why Fascism Fails

The failures, the ghosts, and the haunting question: is fascism eternal — or was it of its moment? What dies, and what lingers?

IDEAS
EVIDENCE
PEOPLE
FORCES
Part I
Fascism vs. Authoritarianism
Salazar's Portugal and the crucial distinction
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Salazar: The Cautious Strongman
Europe's longest authoritarian regime — 36 years. More successful than Hitler, but we barely remember him.
AS
António de Oliveira Salazar
1932–1968 · Portugal's Estado Novo. A meek professor who became a propaganda master.
We do not discuss God and virtue; we do not discuss Homeland and its History; we do not discuss authority and its prestige; we do not discuss family and its morals; we do not discuss the glory of work and its duty.— Salazar (cited in Fernandes, The Carnation Revolution)
  • Blue-shirted Portuguese Legion, corporatist labour, youth movement — borrowed from fascism
  • But no paramilitary street violence swelling from below — much more elitist, Catholic, conservative
  • Survived 36 years — far longer than Hitler's 12 or Mussolini's 21
  • Take the madness out of Hitler — is fascism as discredited as it is today?
The Crucial Distinction
Fascists are dynamic — driven by rebirth, expansion, violent reshaping of souls. Authoritarians just rule.

The key difference between fascists and authoritarians: fascists are dynamic. They are driven by an engine of rebirth, populist energy, expansion — they seek to change people, boundaries, the earth. They are conservative revolutionaries underpinned by the spiritualisation of violence.

The popular use of "fascist" today means more than just antidemocrat. It involves a mission to dynamically reshape souls — not just voluntarily, but under the threat of cudgel and jackboot.
  • Without the dynamic drive, fascism becomes simple authoritarianism
  • Fascism is apocalyptic — us vs. them, existential threat
  • When the threat diminishes, the dictator needs new promises to survive
  • Paxton: "Fascism is, in the last analysis, destabilizing"
Part II
The Economics of Failure
Corporatism, autarky, corruption — the fascist economy was a gamble geared for war
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Mussolini's Economic Record
Lowest growth of any major nation. Inequality rose. Malnutrition increased. "Not bad luck, but policy choices."

Corporatism — 22 sector councils of employers, workers, and officials — never really worked. Workers had no real power. Agriculture was skewed towards grain at the expense of crops Italy was better suited for.

The pursuit of his political instincts produced generally poorer outcomes compared to other economies in relation to unemployment, productivity growth, income equality, poverty. This was not bad luck, but a consequence of policy choices.— Peter Williamson, Duce: Contradictions of Power
  • Italy grew 1.5–2.2% — lowest of all major nations
  • Mussolini: "Enough of the railroad state, the postal state" — but then intervened more than anyone except the USSR
  • Autarky starved Italy of raw materials
  • Biographer Bosworth described Mussolini as "a weak dictator"
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Hitler's "Economic Miracle"
Recovery was already happening before the Nazis. The autobahn was someone else's idea. Everything was geared for war.

The economy was already recovering in 1932 — before the Nazis took power. The autobahn was a pre-existing scheme; the Nazis increased funding from 500m to 600m Reichsmarks and took the propaganda credit.

The impression that the Nazis were extremely lucky in coming to power when the economy was already starting to recover is strengthened when it is realized that some of their much-trumpeted measures did little more than restore the status quo of the pre-Depression years.— Richard Evans, The Third Reich in Power
  • Housing in 1936 (310,490) was still below Weimar's 1929 figure (317,682)
  • Flour, butter, fruit, coffee rationed before the war even started
  • 1939: no fresh meat at Berlin's Hertie department store — only weekly fat rations
  • Jewish businesses plundered; exit tax rose from 1m to 342m Reichsmarks
  • Evans: "The economic history of the Third Reich is inseparable from its expropriation of the Jews"
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Theft, Corruption & War Bonds
"To do business under the Nazis, you had to have a friend in every government office." A violence-based economy.

The Nazi economy was not a normal economy — it was a violence-based economy, a theft-economy, and a corrupt one. No financial oversight. Jobs and contracts to loyalists. Hitler, Goebbels, Göring became multimillionaires.

As an experienced businessman, I can no longer stand idly by and countenance the way many Aryan businessmen are shamelessly attempting to grab up Jewish shops and factories for a ludicrous price. These people are like vultures.— A German businessman, 1938 (cited in Evans, The Third Reich in Power)
  • Göring's home renovated for 15 million marks
  • All was gambled on victory in the coming war
  • In 1938, ALL metal garden fences were confiscated; Hitler Youth searched attics for scrap
  • When the Reichsbank president warned of inflation, Hitler sacked him
The Nazis' headlong rush to war contained the seeds of the Third Reich's eventual destruction.— Richard Evans, The Third Reich in Power
⚡ QUICK CHECK

What was the fundamental nature of the Nazi economy?

A A free-market capitalist economy
B An authoritarian war economy — everything geared toward military expansion, funded by theft and sacrifice
C A socialist command economy
Right. It left much to industrialists but was ultimately shaped by ideologically rigid autocrats gambling everything on war — funded by Jewish expropriation, war bonds, and extraordinary sacrifice.
It wasn't free-market or socialist. It was an authoritarian war economy: industrialists kept their businesses but everything was geared toward rearmament, funded by theft from Jews, war bonds, and mass sacrifice.
Part III
The Failure of Personalism
Hubris, sycophancy, and why one person can't run a modern state
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The Führerprinzip
One leader's word above the law. But the modern world is too complex for one mind.
The Führer and the Duce could claim legitimacy neither by election nor conquest. It rested on charisma, a mysterious direct communication with the Volk that needs no mediation by priests or party chieftains.— Robert Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism

Hitler designed banners, helped design rally sets, worked with filmmakers, sketched buildings, suggested roofs for motorways to protect tanks. He was a Napoleonic figure — but Napoleon could know everything about France. Today, no one can.

  • Hitler took over the military from the generals
  • He helped design the Volkswagen, sketched grand buildings, planned the autobahn route
  • He dismissed military leader after military leader
  • He didn't listen to weapons scientists or economic advisors
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Sycophancy & Polyocracy
"Working towards the Führer" — guessing the leader's will instead of acknowledging reality.

Historians call it "polyocracy" — rule by multiple competing power centres, all second-guessing the Führer's will. A Hobbesian war of all against all, dressed up as unity.

Göring, for all his undoubted energy, possessed no overview of the economy. He had very little understanding of economics or finance. He did not set clear priorities, nor could he, since Hitler kept changing his mind.— Richard Evans, The Third Reich in Power

Despite this, Göring led the Hermann Göring Ironworks. Loyalty was promoted over expertise.

Personalist rulers can be the most destructive kinds of authoritarians because they do not distinguish between their individual agendas and those of the nation. Their private obsessions set the tone for public discourse, skew institutional priorities, and force large-scale resource reallocations.— Ruth Ben-Ghiat, Strongmen
  • The Allies won by building plans through negotiation, deliberation, debate, and consensus
  • Rauch: knowledge requires validation by others — open-ended, depersonalised checking
  • 47% of authoritarian regimes collapse when the leader dies or needs replacing
  • Order was promised. Chaos was the reality.
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Hubris as Core Failure
Kershaw's biography of Hitler is subtitled "Hubris." That word is the epitaph of fascism.
We permit ourselves the luxury of being aristocratic and democratic, conservative and progressive, reactionary and revolutionary, accepting the law and going beyond it.— Benito Mussolini (cited in Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism)

Fascism was an attempt at a great synthesis of everything — through the iron will of one person. Early victories couldn't make up for later hubris. Hitler dismissed economists, generals, scientists. Mussolini's invasion of Ethiopia bankrupted Italy.

Fascist regimes could not settle down into a comfortable enjoyment of power. The charismatic leader had made dramatic promises: to unify, purify, and energize his community.— Robert Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism
⚡ QUICK CHECK

What does "polyocracy" mean in the context of fascist governance?

A Government by the people
B Rule by multiple competing power centres, all trying to guess the leader's will — chaos disguised as order
C A system of regional governors with clear mandates
Exactly. Beneath the appearance of total order was a mess of competing fiefdoms, all "working towards the Führer" — guessing rather than debating, competing rather than collaborating.
Polyocracy describes the reality beneath the myth of total order: multiple competing power centres all second-guessing the leader's will, promoting loyalty over expertise.
Part IV
Killing the Ghosts
What changed after 1945 — and what made fascism's return harder (but not impossible)
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Race Science: Debunked
DNA discovery (1953) demolished the biological foundations of Nazi ideology entirely.

Modern genetics: variation within "races" is greater than variation between them. All humans share 99.9% of DNA. The idea of a pure Aryan archetype is scientifically absurd.

German racialists believed heredity determined character, the state should manage the population, and people could be categorised as "valuable" or "worthless" — minderwertig.— Richard Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich
  • The idea the state should decide who breeds has become "unfashionable"
  • No one serious argues Englishness or Americanness are biological
  • Nationalism has moved from biological to cultural — still powerful but different
  • It's much harder to essentialise a people and justify doing things to them
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Violence: Stakes Changed
The nuclear bomb, the Holocaust, and the end of chivalrous attitudes toward war.

Before WWII, violence was more limited — soldiers choosing to fight small wars with less powerful weapons. A "chivalrous" attitude was possible. The nuclear bomb and the Holocaust changed the stakes permanently.

  • Economics shifted from zero-sum to positive-sum thinking — cooperation can benefit both sides
  • National borders are more static and defined than ever in history
  • National expansionism transferred to multinational corporate economics
  • It would take real desperation and horror for paramilitary violence to return — nothing since has come close
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Nationalism: Ironically Stabilised
Ultranationalism came from nationalism's weakness. Now that nation-states are entrenched, the dynamic is different.

A crucial irony: mid-century ultranationalism came from the weakness of nationalism. Italy had just unified, only 2.5% spoke Italian, borders were porous. Today, nation-states with fixed borders are more entrenched than ever.

Ultranationalism is a reaction to something from the outside — either defence against another nationalist incursion or a response to universalist aims.— Liah Greenfeld, Five Roads to Modernity
  • It's harder to justify dynamic domination when nations are stable
  • Putin's territorial claims are ridiculed in ways that Hitler's weren't in the 1930s
  • Cultural nationalism has replaced biological nationalism — but remains powerful
  • Big universalist claims (EU, globalisation) still provoke strong nationalist responses
⚡ QUICK CHECK

Why did mid-century ultranationalism actually come from the weakness of nationalism?

A Because nations were too powerful and needed to be restrained
B Because national consciousness was new and fragile — borders porous, empires still the norm — so extreme nationalism was needed to forge identity
C Because internationalism was already dominant
Right. Italy had just unified, only 2.5% spoke Italian. Germany's borders were contested. Ultranationalism was a desperate project to create national identity, not defend an established one.
National consciousness was new and fragile — borders porous, empires the norm. Ultranationalism was a desperate project to forge national identity from scratch, not defend an established one.
Part V
The Ghosts That Remain
Hauntology — is there a fascist in all of us?
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Hauntology
"Perhaps the most important political-philosophical concept we have right now." Ghosts haunt when causes remain.

Derrida and Mark Fisher's concept: ghosts of the past — lingering ideas, philosophies — that haven't been laid to rest. We're haunted by dreams of the right as much as by spectres of Marx.

Hauntology highlights the political failings of the present by returning to those moments when a different path might have been taken, turning points whose promise remains unfulfilled.— Merlin Coverley, Hauntology
  • Ghosts haunt when causes remain; they're laid to rest when times change
  • Similarities spell risk; differences mark change
  • History exists on two planes: what happened, and what we think about it now
  • As liberalism falters, the stories it told us become questionable too
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Thomas Mann: "That Man Is My Brother"
"A rather unpleasant brother. But I will not disclaim it." There is a Hitler in all of us.
TM
Thomas Mann
German novelist. Published "That Man Is My Brother" in Esquire, March 1939 — 6 months before WWII.
A brother — a rather unpleasant and mortifying brother. He makes me nervous, the relationship is painful to a degree. But I will not disclaim it.— Thomas Mann, "That Man Is My Brother," Esquire, 1939
Here is a man possessed of a bottomless resentment and a festering desire for revenge; a man ten times a failure, extremely lazy, incapable of steady work; a total good-for-nothing. And here is a people obsessed with feelings of defeat and inferiority.— Thomas Mann, "That Man Is My Brother"

Mann's point: resentment, revenge, honour, greatness, unlimited power — timeless qualities. And worse: there is something of an artist in Hitler too. The laziness, the vague intuition of being reserved for something greater.

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Idées-Forces & Mobilising Passions
Mosse: fascism is a mood more than an ideology. Pre-rational passions — hunger, violence, nostalgia, glory.

George Mosse pointed to idées-forces: ideas that aren't intellectual — they come from something somatic, bodily. Hunger can be an idea. The thrill of violence. The clarity of order. Jealousy. Nostalgia. Glory.

How can you rationalise the pre-rational? How can you say those things will ever not be with us?
  • The desire to dominate is universal — a conversation, a project, a situation
  • Fascism was the latest technological instance of using power unchecked
  • The continuous thread: Italian MSI (1946), UK National Front (1970s), Aryan Nation, skinheads
  • Given the right conditions, it's burning in all of us — or at least in someone we love
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Can We Survive Our Origins?
Girard's question. Scapegoating, rivalry, irrational violence — are these things we can ever escape?

René Girard argued humans are driven by spirals of jealousy, rivalry, and scapegoating. The cult of personality may be an evolutionary inheritance we can't escape.

History moves. Nothing stays exactly the same. It rhymes rather than repeats. Even if you believe in some kind of stable human nature, some things inevitably change — technology, culture, philosophy, science.
  • The key: sort similarities and differences into a framework
  • Similarities spell risk; differences mark change
  • Some ingredients are eternal: charisma, the desire for order, fear of chaos
  • But fascism's specific conditions — WWI, racial science, weak nationalism — have changed
  • It won't return as it was. But it could feasibly return as something new
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The Fascist Paradox
Fascism promises order but produces chaos. It promises greatness but delivers hubris. It is, ultimately, self-defeating.
Fascism is, in the last analysis, destabilizing. Fascist regimes could not settle down into a comfortable enjoyment of power.— Robert Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism
  • Order promised → chaos delivered
  • Corporatism promised rational order → reality was vague, toothless, ineffectual
  • Unity promised → polyocracy delivered: competing fiefdoms, sycophancy, waste
  • Self-sufficiency promised → autarky starved the nation of raw materials
  • Succession is near-impossible: 47% of personalist regimes collapse at transition
  • It takes continual conscious effort to know the failures — to answer when someone says "but Hitler built the autobahn"
⚡ FINAL CHECK

Why does the author argue that fascism is both "of its moment" AND potentially eternal?

A Because the exact same conditions will inevitably repeat
B Specific conditions (WWI, racial science) have changed — but the pre-rational passions it exploited are universal and timeless
C Because there are still active fascist parties in every country
Exactly. The specific historical conditions that created classical fascism have changed. But the underlying passions — resentment, nostalgia, the desire for order, the thrill of violence, charisma — are universal. It won't return as it was, but could return as something new.
The specific conditions have changed, but the pre-rational passions fascism exploited — resentment, nostalgia, the desire for order, the cult of personality — are timeless. It won't repeat exactly, but it could rhyme.